Lajmet e fundit
My father used to tell me: "You've got yourself in some serious matters... don't worry about Serbia, just don't turn your back on your comrades."
During 2024, even though I was in poor health, my parents visited me for the second time in the detention centre. It was a heartbreaking circumstance. Three hours passed as if they were three minutes. We remained eager to continue the conversation. Although tired from age to receive guests, they showed thanks and gratitude for the solidarity of many people with their visits to Buroja. To make the meeting more relaxing, I reminded them of the care they showed me when I was a student. I travelled by bus every day from Buroja to Skenderaj; they gave me money every day for burek, tea, and to buy the newspaper "Rilindja" I mostly read the sports pages, the culture section, and any historical feuilleton that was worth it. They were waiting for me in the evening for dinner. They took meticulous care of hygiene and clothing. They spared me from house chores.
I reminded my father of a conversation we had had one spring in the early nineties. At the same time, already a student, during a weekend in the garden of the house, helping him maintain the yard - mowing the grass in a moment of rest under the shade of a cherry tree when we were alone, he said to me: "I know and I see that you've got yourself into some serious matters," he continued, "I want to tell you something, don't worry about Serbia, just never turn your back on your friends."
He knew them, welcomed them into his home, respected them, loved them very much, and had even become comrades-in-arms with most of them at a very harsh time (Literal translation from Albanian: when peas were eaten one grain at a time). After the war, he remembered those who had fallen on the altar of freedom and evoked memories of their heroic deeds in conversations with others. With those who remained alive, he always maintained respect for the sacrifice and a close, personal human relationship until the last moments of his life. I always feel honoured by the special relationship my father had with my friends. In Burojë, he had welcomed and seen off many of them in unforgettable times and circumstances. He had survived the raids on the village and the arrests they made in 1993 and 1997 unscathed.
His advice has always accompanied me, often aligning with the reality of my life experiences. The parents did not like the life of being in the spotlight or isolated, although this happened unnoticeably despite their wishes. They weren't the kind of people who liked politics, but they still followed it. During this visit, I asked them, just to provoke conversation, why they didn't come to more public and political events, and my father told me, "You have to be yourself." He once visited me at work at the Democratic Party of Kosovo headquarters.
"I'm sorry you have to go through a hardship, but I hope you have good people around you."
I remember the conversation with my parents after the local elections in November 2000 when both of them, complementing each other as if they wanted to console me for the loss, said to me: "It's not the end of the world, life is long, you're young, stay healthy, just stay upright and may God help you."
My father laughed out loud when I mentioned the conversation on the first morning after the parliamentary and local election victory of November 2007, when he excitedly and joyfully, but very seriously, said to me, "I'm sorry that you have to go through a hardship, but I hope you have good people around you, and you have a good time with the people who have come here from the world."
With my father, I had broken the confidentiality of not making public the day of Kosovo's declaration of independence, just three or four days before Sunday, February 17, 2018. During our regular morning phone conversation, he asked me, "When is this big job being done?" I told him, "Probably on Sunday afternoon." I hadn't done anything wrong. He was my comrade-in-arms from the very beginning. I knew he wouldn't talk to anyone.
My parents were the first to congratulate me on the phone moments after the declaration of independence: "Congratulations, and may we enjoy it."
During the 2014 campaign for my third term, my parents, Lume and Endrit, became an active and vital part of the campaign. They would attend rallies and speak to the media. It was the first time in Kosovo that the parents of a leader appeared in public with messages of support for their son. The words they had chosen and the way they had presented themselves gained considerable respect in public opinion. They had talked about my character stemming from their DNA, simple and original parents. The victory was spectacular and the sixth in a row. I often told them, "I dedicate this victory to you."
The impression and emotions I saw in their souls and faces on the occasion of my inauguration as President in "Mother Teresa" Square, in April 2016, will be unforgettable; I read and felt their pride in their son.
Let us keep in mind that it is not easy to be the parent, spouse, or child of a politician in our space. Besides the good words and days, you have to endure unimaginable negative things and days - attacks against success. It had never happened before that the parents of a boy or girl in our country participated in the highest state ceremony. Right in the square that was a symbol of anti-Yugoslav protests, now a symbol of peace in Kosovo, now a state.
I felt very proud of them and their presence. They respectfully accepted the congratulations of the diplomats and local participants at the ceremony's conclusion with a handshake. They also participated in the lunch prepared especially for guests by the presidency. As they parted at the end of this visit, as if in one voice, they said to me, "We are living, waiting for you." I knew that this circumstance had become a heavy burden for their age...
My absence had hit them hard.
From this visit, I realised that from that moment on, every meeting or phone conversation could be the last, so I became even more careful about the time I had to call and making the most of the time to talk to them as often as possible.
In conversations with my parents, my soul and mind always yearned for my hometown, the youthful games, the fields, and the hills that hold the meaning of my childhood. Even though we were often apart, I have always been passionately with them and of them.
"I was coming back greyer, but I had the feeling that Kosovo was somehow tired and worn out"
Adriatik Kelmendi: However, you visited your father in the hospital and spoke with him just a few days before his death. What did you talk about together, and how did it feel to talk to your father under such circumstances, knowing that you might never see him again?
Hashim Thaçi: In the first days of January of this year, I was informed by family members that my father's condition had worsened. Phone or video calls became rare due to his inability to respond. Even when we spoke briefly, his voice was no longer there, and his appearance had begun to change, but he tried not to give in. I understood, but I didn't want to believe it. He had set out on his journey to the afterlife.
It had been three months since my father had been seriously ill.
The panel of judges eventually approved a visit of several hours to Kosovo.
Accompanied by KSC officers, I was sent to Kosovo.
I was returning to Prishtina after four and a half years. Descending from the direction of Veternik, I approached the space where the national flag was flying. From the rain and pollution, it looked wilted, drowsy, barely hanging on the metal pole. The eagle was divided into parts that were difficult to reassemble. Traffic was busy as always, people's movements were very dynamic, and cafes and bars were packed and bustling. It was now noon, the weather was sunny, and the news of my return had been made public. Several citizens, accompanied by their families, had gone out onto their balconies, recording with their phones the movement of the escort carrying me. We were not far from each other; I could see them, but they couldn't, as the darkened car windows separated us. I think we had the same sentiment.
We passed around the area where Adem Demaçi’s statue was once decided to be placed. There was nothing new. I wasn’t surprised — I understood the unreasonable reason behind its absence, I said to myself. "KOSOVO'S FREEDOM IS A MONUMENT TO ADEM DEMAÇI". That is why he does not have a statue or an obelisk that replaces the freedom of a people.
This is how I experienced entering Prishtina. I was turning greyer, but I had the feeling that Kosovo was somehow tired and worn out, even though I'm not one of those who, by not being present in the environment, are influenced to see things in black and white. On the contrary! I have unwavering faith in Kosovo's progress.
I was extremely tired and had mixed feelings. I was between the real world, knowing that my father was leaving us, and the imaginary world, which I absolutely did not want to accept.
Accompanied by the KSC security authority, I quickly climbed the stairs to the second floor of the Clinic. In the corridors and on the stairs connecting the floors, some people were there spontaneously, probably visiting their relatives. Doctors and nurses, with whom we greeted each other warmly from a distance without exchanging words, were also present.
I hurriedly found myself in the room where my father was. He was waiting for me impatiently, lying there. We hugged for a long time with as much strength as he had left. He seemed smiling, excited, and deeply touched spiritually. I felt helpless and defeated physically and emotionally. I didn't think I would stay strong, but no, I couldn't stop the tears. To look fresher, I quickly went to the bathroom where I wiped away my tears by washing my face. God gave me the strength to face those moments. My mother and Lume were also in the room. My mother was sitting in a wheelchair next to the bed where my father was lying down. I sat on the edge of the bed.
Several times he asked me, "Are you back with your friends?" I had to say, "Yes." He was happy like a child.
My father seemed physically devastated, but I did not notice any spiritual exhaustion; his ability to speak had significantly weakened. Positive in the few things we said, an almost imaginary improvement had occurred before he departed from this earthly world, which was now a matter not of days but of hours. The doctor, Kastriot, stayed with us the entire time. I pray to God and bow down with respect to the doctors and all the support staff who kept him alive until we met.
Except during my very early childhood — and even then, without ill intent — I had never lied to him. But that day, I was compelled by love to do so, so that when I left, he wouldn’t feel abandoned. Death, it seemed, had no place in his mental or conscious plans. Even in those final hours, I felt nothing but love, not despair. Several times he asked me, "Are you back with your friends?" I had to say, "Yes." He was happy like a child. While Lume fed him soup, he wanted to talk and talk to me with all his remaining strength. "It's great that all your friends are released," he repeated several times that day.
He was fulfilled.
When it was time to say goodbye and leave more easily, I told him, "I'm going to Burojë and I will wait for you for tea," and he said, "Very well, go, I'll be there soon, God willing, I have nothing to do here." He wanted to return home at all costs. We hugged and greeted each other like father and son. When I went out the door, I stopped once more and looked him straight in the eye, as he and his mother shook hands, as if they were teenagers in love. His gaze invaded my entire being. That smile will stay with me forever. I knew it was the last look; it was the FAREWELL look. I felt the deep pain in my heart and the joints of my limbs.
"Today I say, Father, even for this unreasonable absence (at the funeral), I am completely innocent"
Adriatik Kelmendi: You were not present at your father's funeral because you were not allowed. How do you comment on this situation?
Hashim Thaçi: After a short time, the father passed away peacefully, surrounded by love from his close family, under the care and supervision of doctors. He was worrying about me. I watched the farewell tributes and the memorial academy on TV from the solitude of my cell. The national and state flags draped over the coffin fit gracefully. Thanks and respect to all those tens of thousands of people who shared the pain and solidarity with the family.
I couldn't make it to receive my father, either alive or dead, to my birthplace, not even a handful of soil was I able to throw onto his grave during the burial ceremony. It was fitting that I was the first to wait for him at Burojë, as I had promised; I had gone there last.
Today I tell him, Father, even for this unreasonable absence, I am entirely innocent.
This is how my FATHER - my most beloved, adored, inspiring, and protective man - passed away.
Mother's comfort: "Blessed is your father for who he was, and blessed are you for having him as your father."
Adriatik Kelmendi: Tens of thousands of citizens from all over Kosovo and beyond attended the funeral ceremony, offering further condolences. How do you see that?
Hashim Thaçi: After three days, with the permission of the KSC, I visited my birthplace. A new grave had been added to the village's new cemetery. I stood in reverence for nine minutes under unusual and unimaginable circumstances—a minute of respect for each decade of his life. The significant participation of citizens in the funeral ceremony had made the ground look beaten, but smooth. The flowers and inscriptions on the wreaths on the grave were still fresh. I read tributes from Prishtina, Tirana, Skopje, Ulcinj, Presheva, and the diaspora, among others. The sun was shining that early spring day. The air, trees, and earth had taken on the scent of rain. A little while later, at home, in Burojë, I meet my mother. Although it was not easy, she stood firm and remained calm. We comforted each other; the words he repeated to me that day were: "Blessed is your father for who he was, and blessed are you to have had him as a father." We had lunch together. We spent most of our time sitting in the garden. I sincerely felt her love and the warmth of the sunlight.
That day, I felt somewhat guilty because I had often been a source of worry for them before, during, and after the war.
During the flight back to The Hague, I was consumed by endless thoughts about my father.
It's no secret, his death has changed me a lot - it's the void that is not being filled in any way. I am living with the feeling and the sorrow; time is not softening it, it is preserving the pain. I think of the earlier days when he was alive, and I feel a revival of his presence in my life. He left a light that will never go out in our family.
But today this is a fatality, not my luck at this stage of life. I am aware that sadness and prison do not go together. I don't forget that, if not my body, then at least my mind is free to think anywhere and under any circumstance, though limited in its ability to express itself.
"No one brings up topics of daily politics (here), even if it happens by chance, no one gets involved"
Adriatik Kelmendi: You have been held in prison in The Hague for five years now. How have you coped so far?
Hashim Thaçi: It's no mystery, the fate I'm experiencing surpasses me. It is inseparable from the path taken for the freedom and independence of the people of Kosovo. Interestingly, worrying examples are being reported again from Kosovo. I am grateful to you, Adriatik, for finding me even in these deep holes behind the walls and high bars of The Hague.
How do we spend our time? We comment on a book or article we recently read. Any documentary or film that has recently been released. Although even here, people's inclinations and tastes are different. Interestingly, no one brings up topics of daily politics, even if it happens by chance; no one joins in, and with abstention, it is quickly closed. Here you have time to think and discuss whatever you want.
Don't get me wrong, this environment also resembles a nursing home for the elderly, where you often play cards, chess, read or browse any available newspaper, do crossword puzzles, and engage in conversations about family and current events. When you often engage in idle chatter, you are deprived of everyday life activities, communication, and participation in the outside world. I'm trying to go through a different situation than I mentioned above. To be as positive as possible with myself and others, I try to think about beautiful things as often as possible. It's challenging to accomplish desirable and constructive tasks here. Real life is outside this spatial framework.
"I wasn’t exactly someone to brag about in the kitchen, but I’ve really improved now... "I follow local media a little, or not at all."
Adriatik Kelmendi: What have you missed or been deprived of, besides freedom, during this time you have been in prison?
Hashim Thaçi: I live this new life within the framework of new circumstances — not only physical, but also shaped by reading, thinking, and meditating — which go beyond the walls of the detention centre, beginning from my birthplace as the starting point of my world and my homeland. I cultivate the experience of thinking and looking at the world and societies through reading selected and representative books. My mind becomes absorbed; I take walks and exercise my brain's muscles through the histories of peoples and civilisations, in search of the survival and shaping of the Albanian identity with a Western sense and orientation. There, I also find the fate and historical role, as well as the present and future, of the state of Kosovo.
During the day, I make family calls, and within the time allowed by the KSC, I receive visits from family and friends. In the morning or evening, I go to the gym. I wasn’t someone to boast about in the kitchen, but I’ve improved quite a bit. When necessary for the case, I consult with the defence team, and I regularly attend court hearings, which have become a new art shaped in my life. I willingly do the cleaning and ironing of clothes. I try to keep my detention room as clean as possible. I also take care of the cleanliness of the bedspread and blanket. On the walls of the room I keep a shared photo of my close and extended family circle, who look at me and I look at them all the time, this is how we communicate with each other; they are my breath, energy and light even in the worst moments I can go through here, between the four narrow, cold, dark concrete walls and the iron door of the cell.
I watch football, tennis, and during the winter, ski competitions on TV. I also read and write, and I listen to music of various genres, including popular, classical, folk, jazz, and more. I regularly read the newspaper "Politico," which is brought to me by the KSC, and previously, the daily "The New York Times," to which I subscribe. In the evenings, I sometimes watch a movie or documentary. But I try to avoid the habit of sitting in front of the TV as much as possible, which can lead to laziness and mental suffocation.
I follow local media a little, or not at all. I try to stay as far away as possible from the echoes or influences of the noises of our crowd of people. Every good development for Kosovo brings me happiness, just as everything that is not good makes me feel uneasy; it splits my heart in two, even though I manage to resist and stand my ground. However, these are wounds that do not heal or close easily.
"I do not surrender my mind, soul, and body to isolating circumstances."
I never miss the schedule to take a walk in the fresh air, whether it's hot, rainy, windy, or snowy, although snowfall is sporadic here and melts quickly. The rain is torrential, accompanied by strong winds and sometimes even freezing, but it doesn't stop me from walking. Now my ears are trained to the sound of the wind, which repeats... repeats and repeats, in every season. The heat can sometimes be scorching, and the humidity stifling. In these spaces, I don't feel the warmth of the sun's rays. I sleep comfortably. I'm not particularly picky when it comes to food. I rarely eat the meals offered by the prison; we have been provided an option to order once for the entire week. I have never smoked, now I am even more against it. I use different teas. Fruits and vegetables remain indispensable even here.
When the weather is good, I play tennis; I used to play table tennis as a schoolboy and student. I'm playing tennis for the first time here. I'm good and precise in attack, but not so much in returning the ball. This sport engages all the muscles in my body, which is essential in circumstances of inactivity. Even the "butterfly game" inspires me. For football or basketball, we are handicapped because we cannot form two teams for a game. Sometimes I play solo basketball with shots at the basket... I'm still good at scoring threes... I do not surrender my mind, soul, and body to isolating circumstances; I maintain my vitality, physical strength, and mental freshness, so that under no circumstances will I be plagued by fatigue or be driven to exhaustion. One of the goals or dangers of such processes is to drain, exhaust, and wear down the individual, ultimately leading to a gradual transition into a state of sublimation. I try to make the most of every activity I do here.
We observe national holidays, such as November 28 or February 17, as well as religious days and those of the new year, in a modest manner, according to the circumstances. On New Year's Eve, I was surprised by more fireworks in the city of The Hague than in Prishtina. I'm not a fan of organising large or noisy parties, but I miss physical greetings and family hugs. For the 21 years (1999-2020) that I lived and enjoyed the freedom in Kosovo, I spent almost all my family events and national holidays in my birthplace. In addition to my wife and son, I always wanted to be close and raise a toast with my parents and other family members.
It's not easy to be away from family and the people you love, who love you in return, far from the place where you were born and raised. I feel blessed by the historical fate of being born and raised in Kosovo (Drenica), a place that I love very much. But this geographical fact did not give my life whole meaning beyond this most isolated and underdeveloped space in the former Yugoslavia. It wasn’t until the middle of those quiet years, during visits to my brothers in Vienna and my sister in Paris, that I truly realised I felt European. And Kosovo could also become European. But first, we had to gain freedom.
Lume and Endrit visit me every month, for two or three days in a row. This is the price my family and other prisoners are paying - a 4,000 km round trip for a visit. I also have regular visits from my extended family; I regret that I am unable to meet everyone due to procedural restrictions. I thank Albanians abroad for their interest, support, and visits. Only those who have been in prison know this, and for this reason, Kosovars hold the European record for the number of inhabitants in Europe from 1945 to 1990. That there is nothing more inspiring for a prisoner than when a civic consensus is created outside for the just cause for which you are being held inside.
The refrain advice (of international friends) was: "Think, believe, look to the future"
I am also grateful to the international friends who came from various European capitals or the US. Everyone's common advice was: "Think, believe, look to the future." They have maintained their faith in Kosovo and me, and that makes me feel good.
Recently, an international diplomat friend of mine, after his visit, sent me two excellent books: "HOMELANDS" by Timothy Garton Ash, a unique European personal account before and after the fall of the Iron Curtain, and "LUKA – a Novel", written by the British diplomat and writer Ian Bancroft, an extraordinary expert and witness of the events of the former Yugoslavia, especially Kosovo. Although the narrated events and characters in Bancroft's book are fictional, they share many similarities with what happened in Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, or Kosovo, both during war and in peace, as well as the necessity for justice, peace, and reconciliation among peoples. Always maintaining hope as the light at the end of the tunnel. Despite decades of abuse and violence, he brings the message "Yes to love - No to hate" among people of different ethnic, religious, and social backgrounds.
International friends find various public, private, or even through visits to congratulate me on the anniversary of Kosovo's independence.
I have been deeply touched and moved by the content of the letters and postcards I have received from pupils, students from Kosovo, Albania, and citizens from the diaspora, on the occasion of Kosovo's Independence anniversaries. I tell them - I LOVE YOU VERY MUCH, LIVE THE FREEDOM, cherish and affirm the state with integrity and dignity. While I am here, I try to live in reality, not the illusion that could erode my soul in the solitude of the cell. I always maintain the awareness of a new beginning, and never of an end.
"I am aware, life does not come back." "But only he who gave me my soul can take it away."
This is the price of confronting tyranny earlier. I am temporarily deprived of my freedom today, but my people are eternally free.
The present and the future will never stand against my past.
As a prisoner, a person is like a fish without water, the cell is the frost of life, and it takes its toll on their life.. Prison - this new life in the new, unpleasant, strange and foreign world. In these circumstances of isolation, darkness, and loneliness, things become entangled with fragility and passion. I am still managing to maximise hope and engagement and minimise the tendency toward boredom and futility.
I may sound naive or absurd, but the pace of my life has never moved faster than the period I have spent here, though unfortunately, these years have been "quietly" and "gently" lost. It is a waste of some of the best and most effective years a human being can have, years without a mission chosen by me. I am aware that life does not come back. But only the one who gave me my soul can take it away.
Adriatik Kelmendi: How have you managed your mental and emotional health during these years in The Hague, away from home?
Hashim Thaçi: In prison, the cycle of days is rapid, life is as fast as lightning—a place of paradoxes. Time comes and goes unnoticed. But some days seem never to end.
Today resembles yesterday and tomorrow, or as N. Mandela emphasised, in prison, ‘a week is like another week, a month like another month, a year like another year—the same people, environment, atmosphere and protocol.
It is only the days that differ from the night, the seasons shift, and the weather changes. The various books or news you read or listen to.
I don't think about yesterday, I don't need tomorrow either. It has been observed that time somewhat strips a person, but I am at peace with my conscience and in my relationships with others.
Sometimes here, there is an overlap of time and events, but I maintain an objective order of things in my mind.
It must be understood that the prisoner's inner and outer impulse always thirsts for freedom. Mood in the prison is like scarce water. You miss breathing the air of freedom.
Voting for the Special Court? "I challenged myself for state interests... "The process of establishing this court was not a matter of individual mood or will, but a state and national responsibility or irresponsibility."
Adriatik Kelmendi: If you were to go back and know that the Specialist Court would indict you, would you still ask the Kosovo Parliament to establish the Specialist Court requested by the international community, primarily the US?
Hashim Thaçi: I want to depersonalise this issue. The process of establishing this court was not a matter of individual mood or will, but a state and national responsibility or irresponsibility towards ourselves and our international partners. There is a significant difference between the global circumstances of 2015 and current world developments in 2025, including the stance of the US, the EU, and the UN regarding Kosovo.
Kosovo was faced with two challenges: to establish this court itself in coordination with the US and the European Union, or a similar court would be imposed on Kosovo, but established by the UN Security Council, with an active role for Russia and China, which would also be supported by the US and the EU.
Kosovo made the first choice that was very challenging, but the most responsible. With a guarantee from American and European partners that it would work with Kosovo legislation, so not only to be taken into account, but, I emphasise, to be necessarily respected.
If the opposite were to happen, Kosovo would be accused by many of giving this opportunity to Russia and China. Additionally, such a court would fall within the framework of Resolution 1244, marking a step backwards for Kosovo. We faced the situation: "You're doomed either way” (Literal translation from Albanian: Get up or I will kill you, get down or I will kill you). I cannot speak to why we found ourselves in this situation today. However, it could not be tolerated at any cost that such a decision be challenged by the Kosovo Parliament and then passed by the Security Council, an international institution currently unfavourable to Kosovo.
Since Kosovo declared independence, we have persistently called for the removal of UNMIK, particularly since the successful conclusion of the independence supervision process in 2012.
You rightly ask, if we could turn back time, would you act the same way? To be crystal clear, I was mentioned several times in the report by Swiss Senator D. Marti, along with hundreds of others, and I could have been investigated as well. Still, I knew that no one would be accused of anything based on the report, because the accusations were unfounded, as was later proven. But over time, things took a different direction and approach; what happened, happened.
Like many others, I have challenged myself for the sake of state interests. I stand upright in the face of anyone's mistakes. If I did the opposite, today I would be accused by the same people of why the court was not established by Kosovo institutions together with the Westerners. I have no dilemma. (There are many other things that I cannot and do not want to comment on.)
If someone interprets the realisation of the People’s will for Freedom, Independence, the establishment of the Kosovo Army, recognition by 119 states, and integration into international organisations as my obedience or servility toward the United States and the West, then I feel deeply honoured.
Adriatik Kelmendi: Your political opponents have sometimes accused you of being a leader who has always accepted American demands. Prime Minister Kurti has often taken a stance in opposition to American demands. Yet, he is not facing personal repercussions, despite Kosovo paying the price of sanctions imposed by the European Union. How would you comment on this situation?
Hashim Thaçi: My relationship with the US and the West has been reciprocal and not one-sided. The whole world knows that the US initially listened with respect and later supported the demands of the people of Kosovo for FREEDOM AND INDEPENDENCE; these issues have always stood above any other priority, throughout my three decades of cooperation with the US.
The US demands addressed to the Kosovar leadership and people have been for the good of our country - sincere and principled, related to the interests of both countries, for constitutional and legal order, ethnic, religious and civic harmony, economic prosperity, a multiethnic society and their integration into society and institutions, strengthening civil society, free media, the fight against terrorism and other radicalisms. If someone interprets the realisation of the People’s will for Freedom, Independence, the establishment of the Kosovo Army a few years ago, recognition by 119 states, and integration into international organisations as my obedience or servility toward the United States and the West, not only do I not feel accused, but I feel deeply honoured.
I'm not ungrateful!
Regarding the second part of your question, in my current circumstances, I do not wish to participate in the daily political debates. What I say today are only the free personal opinions of a citizen with expertise in domestic and international politics. I am not an actor, nor do I claim to be a significant factor.
"I feel abused by those who, in the name of something fictitious, unjustly separated me from my family, fired me from my job, and took away the best years of my life"
Adriatik Kelmendi: Do you feel betrayed or deceived by the West, by the USA?
Hashim Thaçi: No, I don't feel betrayed or deceived. I feel abused by those who, in the name of something fictitious, unjustly separated me from my family, fired me from my job, and took away the best years of my life. The West and the US did not serve the narrative of the matter. I have worked with several American administrations, effectively in excellent relationships. From President Clinton’s second term (1996–2000), to President George W. Bush (2000–2008), and later Presidents Obama and Biden (2008–2016), as well as President Trump (2016–2020), I have spoken about Kosovo at various events and times in the United States — including in conversations with former Presidents George H. W. Bush and Jimmy Carter.
I have worked with seven U.S. Presidents — five of them while they were in office — and eight Secretaries of State, starting with Madeleine Albright and including Michael Rubio, who previously held the role of Senator. With each of them, I have had valuable and distinct experiences. They belong to different political camps, but they shared the same stance on Kosovo. Such a bipartisan position is rare in DC.
This has only happened in recent decades with Israel and Kosovo. How it will be from now on - depends on Kosovo.
"Without the US's leading role, Kosovo could still be a province of Serbia"
Regarding cooperation with the European Union and other Western countries, I was one of the main interlocutors. I consider the cooperation to be of a high quality. We also had disagreements, which I publicly stated. I'm sure the US and the West want a more prosperous Kosovo. No international intervention has proven more successful than in Kosovo. It is an undeniable fact that it was a joint effort of the US, NATO, the EU and the UN. But, without the US's leading role, Kosovo could still be a province of Serbia.
"Yes, I have made many mistakes, but I have not lied or cheated"
Adriatik Kelmendi: Looking back, is there any political or personal decision you would have made differently, from where you are today?
Hashim Thaçi: There are decades of political engagement. From a distance in time, it is easy to talk about this phenomenon that follows every leader. In the journey of implementing the vision for freedom and state-building, I would not change anything significant in terms of principles and strategy; however, tactically, the timing of decisions and the actors involved might be altered in some instances. I have reflected on stances that I would not take today, but one must always consider the time and circumstances. I never made the same mistake twice. I have learned from and improved upon my errors. To err is human; it does not constitute guilt.
I have identified instances where I should not have been part of unproductive and noisy debates. I know that my opinions or decisions have often sparked debate FOR and AGAINST, and there have been abstentions, but such is politics. I spoke what I thought and believed, perhaps sometimes before the right time and sometimes after, in some instances, I was not understood correctly, or I presented a project in the wrong way. But this happens to all leaders.
Yes, I have made many mistakes, but I have not lied or cheated. I didn't aim to be idealistic; I believe I was realistic. I have walked in parallel with the principled and pragmatic, and I have tried to be as little egocentric as possible.
I want to emphasise: time precision and the interplay of internal and external factors in favour of Albanians only occurred in 1998-99 and 2008.
While I was a public figure, I would have felt more offended if I were ignored; as long as it sparks debate, ideas are weighty, valuable, and healthy for democracy.
"For me, the creation of the state was important..." Debates about aesthetic or design issues make me laugh...
I have always valued political rivalry; it was a pleasure to work with rivals on common national issues. In this regard, Kosovo has long been an example for the region and beyond.
Opinions on whether Independence should have been declared on February 17th, or some other date? Should the Declaration of Independence have had this content, or something else? Should the state flag have this appearance, or something else? Should we have this national anthem, or another one? Should our sports representatives wear jerseys with this or that look?
These short and long frequency sounds will continue for some time. They make me laugh, but I like them. This debate about aesthetic or design issues is attractive, but it's more of an ego show... but I won't be a part of it.
Kosovo has only been recognised and accepted by the world because of the path it has followed; otherwise, we would be facing serious questions about our past—and even more about our present and future. Without getting into the water, you can't learn to swim.
For me, statehood was important. However, this prompts me to compare the opinions expressed over 100 years ago regarding whether Albania's Independence should have been declared on November 28 or 26. Why wasn't it announced in Shkoder or Durrës, but the city of Vlora was chosen? Did Marigona embroider the national flag, or did some landowner pull it out of a chest? Why was independence declared before Isa Boletini arrived with his fighters from Kosovo, or did he kneel before the flag, did he kiss it, or did he not kiss it? Why was it Ismail Qemali who declared independence, and not X or Y, some ask, going even further to accuse the founders of the Albanian state of why two-thirds of Albanian lands were left outside the official map of (London’s Conference) Albania, and so on.
It is no surprise that here and there we still hear or read claims like, 'Had Skanderbeg’s uprisings not occurred, Albanians would have had an easier path through the following decades and centuries of history.' In the blink of an eye, monumental truths are ignored—whether out of ignorance or malice—such as the fact that Skanderbeg’s era sealed the European identity of the Albanian people, a legacy we are only now, five centuries later, struggling to formalise on paper through statehood.
I am aware that this is not my debate, nor is this the time or the place to speak.
"Concerning the international community, I wouldn't change anything... but I also know how to say 'Yes' or 'No', irrevocably." "In some cases, I paid a personal and political price."
Concerning the international community, I would not change anything; Kosovo's statehood and integration into Euro-Atlantic structures have been, are and will remain inseparable. I have always sought opportunities to collaborate. For the things I disagreed with, I said them in most cases in closed meetings. Those who know me best know that I am a very easy and flexible conversationalist, but I also know how to say an irrevocable "Yes" or "No." On several occasions, I paid a personal and political price. Most Kosovo politicians and international stakeholders have come to realise this fact.
For some things that I would be happy to talk about, to answer your question more directly, I think more time needs to pass. But the circumstances from where I am speaking would not be understood correctly. I know it would encourage a multi-directional debate, but I am isolated; it would be a one-sided examination of the issues. There are some things I don't even want to comment on.
"I'm here not because I made any wrong plans, but because of who I was, who and how I represented, and maybe even who I am..."
Adriatik Kelmendi: During your political career, you were the central figure in the negotiations for Kosovo's Independence. Do you think your sacrifice, including imprisonment, is the price you should pay for what Kosovo has achieved so far?
Hashim Thaçi: In The Hague, I am neither a hero nor a martyr. My challenge is in confronting to defend the history of justice of the freedom, and the Independence of Kosovo. If a price had to be paid for Kosovo, then let me be that sacrifice. However, I know one thing, and no one in this world can convince me otherwise: Kosovo's freedom has contributed to the faster democratisation of the entire region, as well as the expansion and strengthening of civil values. It even influenced Milosevic's quicker ousting from power and the start of Serbia’s democratic transition.
But, even from here, I see and understand the path of the people, the state of Kosovo, and my life.
I am even more convinced of the justice of this determination, which we must fill every day with the content of civic values. I am here not because I made a wrong plan, but because of who I was, who and how I represented, and perhaps even who I am, or even because I changed a lot in tactics, but I have remained the same when it comes to the strategy for the good of the state and the people. Someone said, "You took steps faster than you should have." Historical narratives and political agendas in democratic systems are not answered through prisons. Even in this situation, and always, I will trust in justice. From day one, I haven't spent my time thinking hastily about myself, but with patience.
"Even in this court, facts and the truth must take precedence over indignation or mission of any nature."
Adriatik Kelmendi: The legal process is slowly coming to a close; do you still hope that the court and this panel will issue a ruling based on facts, rather than being driven by political directives?
Hashim Thaçi: Now that the judicial process is at a critical time and substantive stage, I hope it will be fair, transparent, not closed, not misinterpreted, and free from any prejudice and potential errors. The citizens of Kosovo expect and absolutely want the Specialist Chambers to respect the Constitution and laws of Kosovo in their decision-making.
Respect human rights and civil rights. Citizens in Kosovo, but also international opinion, free media, civil society, and human rights organisations, must be allowed to see this judicial process to believe the truth, and only the truth based on facts and not on misconceptions. Even in this court, facts and the truth must take precedence over indignation or sentiment of any nature.
"The handicap of this court lies in the absence of a legislative oversight mechanism that would accurately shift the barometer in favour of real facts, not alleged or imaginary ones.”
Adriatik Kelmendi: How do you see the role of the Specialist Court in the future of Kosovo? Do you think it will affect public trust in international justice?
Hashim Thaçi: The handicap of this court lies in the absence of a legislative oversight mechanism that would accurately shift the barometer in favour of real facts, not alleged or imaginary ones. Facts should be assessed according to legal conviction and not interpreted according to desire or predetermined judgment.
Any decision made in the name of justice with shaken or lost public trust, conviction, or legitimacy in any country or democratic society is always and remains debatable and vulnerable to compromise.
It remains subject to judgment and serves as an example for scholars in the history of justice, demonstrating what should not have happened and providing a model of what must not be allowed to occur in the future within a state and society that upholds democratic standards.
No one should stand above the Constitution and the laws. This principle is the very foundation upon which the European Union was built, and I believe the KSC will also uphold it, that is, by recognising and respecting the laws passed by the Assembly of the Republic of Kosovo and the constitutional amendments of 2015 in their original form, and not in an arbitrary manner.
"The international community should correct the mistakes that occurred in this process over the past few years... The dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia allowed it to turn into electoral causes in the respective countries...”
Adriatik Kelmendi: Here in Kosovo, many political developments have occurred, but little progress has been made. State-building has almost been paralysed. Have you had the opportunity to follow these developments? If so, what is your opinion?
Hashim Thaçi: Today, I have an almost platonic relationship with Kosovo, Albania and beyond. This also contributes to the lack of quick, accurate, and complete information.
I assess the situation there as a citizen held captive outside the country and mainly informed by international media. I live in a deafening silence, where every word or sentence I hear or read about Kosovo in this solitude creates noise for me, which I swallow with a deep breath.
Over the past three years, the world has undergone dramatic changes; it is no longer what we have known for almost a century. Kosovo should expedite its internal reconsolidation and international affirmation; otherwise, democratic distortions and economic stagnation may occur.
As to how Kosovo will navigate these changes remains to be seen. If Washington and Brussels continue to work together on Kosovo over the next four years, it seems they may be more impatient with officials in Prishtina. Whether this approach will be fair or not is debatable - unfortunately, its citizens may pay the price.
If Washington continues to stand solely in support of the European Union in a leading role, it would mean that the coming years will be spent dealing with the consequences of the past five years, making it challenging to address the future. It is also very easy to ignore or deal with Kosovo superficially, a form of managing the situation or local crises. This could be even more consequential; the country could enter an undesirable phase, stagnating in a whirlpool of inaction. The loss of time is a dire price for Kosovo.
A final Kosovo-Serbia agreement is essential. Internationals should correct the mistakes that occurred in this process over the past few years. They, consciously or unconsciously, allowed the dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia to become an electoral issue in their respective countries; this not only failed to bring improvement between these two states and peoples, but also introduced division into politics and within the societies of both countries. This process can only succeed when it has a clear agenda and adopts a specific Western meaning.
Until a few years ago, Kosovo's relations with the international community were remarkably clear. Today, it seems like a moral and political fading is taking place.
“The Washington Agreement must be implemented; the US role is irreplaceable... The EU "seems to be encouraging Serbia to misbehave towards Kosovo"
The Washington Agreement between Kosovo and Serbia, signed in September 2020, should be implemented. It is a beneficial economic agreement for both countries; its implementation would inevitably lead to mutual recognition sooner or later. Dialogue between states and peoples is intended to reduce hostilities and tensions; in recent years, however, the opposite has occurred. It would be in the interest of Albanians and Serbs to leave the bad things between them behind.
Washington's leading role in the Kosovo-Serbia dialogue is irreplaceable.
The European Union is still not united in recognising the state of Kosovo, and appears sluggish and delayed in integrating the Western Balkans, except for Albania and Montenegro. The unwillingness of five European Union countries to recognise Kosovo seems to be encouraging Serbia to misbehave towards Kosovo.
Now we must work hard to deserve NATO membership. But it is illogical to claim NATO membership, with sanctions in force from the European Union and deep reservations from the US, as is currently the case with Kosovo. For Kosovo, any regional security and defence alliance, as long as it falls under the NATO umbrella, is more than welcome. Kosovo's failure to access the Council of Europe is the clearest reflection of its standing in terms of treatment, despite most member states of the Council of Europe having recognised its independence. For Kosovo, it was a favourable circumstance - add to this the current absence of Russia and some countries unfriendly to Kosovo in the EC.
No persistence or enthusiasm was observed from Kosovo institutions in the final phase, when it seemed that we were on the verge of membership. What happened and why is best known by those who led this process. I can consider what happened and why it happened, but I am limited to commenting further on this note.
Banjska? "How did over 80 uniformed and armed people appear dozens of kilometres inside Kosovo territory?" How was it possible to tolerate their quiet departure in broad daylight, as if they were 'envoys of freedom' and not attackers of freedom and the state?"
It is necessary to reflect on why, even after the attack in Banjska, Kosovo was reprimanded by international organisations on the diplomatic and media levels. The criticism and pressure on Belgrade were extremely elegant. Even after the explosion in the Ibër-Lepenc canal, international press and decision-making centres again easily raised the dilemma of whether it was an act of sabotage by Serbia or a local electoral action. No one could mislead the international mechanisms. They control both the land and the sky of Kosovo. Kosovo should cooperate, rather than taking NATO and the US by surprise. It is no coincidence that these events occurred precisely when Kosovo was at its lowest level of cooperation with the West. The issue should be raised for public debate, analysis, and state responsibility. Why did such things dare to happen just now? For 24 years, Kosovo had not faced such phenomena.
Kosovo had both the stick and the carrot in its hand, but how did over 80 uniformed and armed people appear dozens of kilometres inside Kosovo's territory? How was it possible to tolerate their quiet departure in broad daylight, as if they were 'envoys of freedom' and not attackers of freedom and the state? The circumstances surrounding this event can only be clarified through a thorough investigation conducted in collaboration with international actors within a transparent process. Kosovo needs the truth more in its relations with international organisations than to satisfy its local public opinion.
"It is a matter of concern that, over the past five years, Kosovo has achieved only two new recognitions and no accession to international organisations... (Trump officials) don't act without someone putting them in motion... Prishtina-Tirana coordination is needed"
Adriatik Kelmendi: From your distance, how would you assess Kosovo's relations with the international community, primarily with the US and the EU?
Hashim Thaçi: It is worrying, only two recognitions and no membership of Kosovo in international organisations in almost the last five years. The time of President Biden's administration marks lost time and opportunity for Kosovo.
The return of President Trump represents a new golden opportunity for Kosovo and the entire Western Balkans. Trump is clearly committed to peace and cooperation among nations.
Let us recall that the penultimate recognition of Kosovo came from Israel, with the work and direct engagement of President Trump and Ambassador Grenell.
President Trump knows Kosovo; in meetings during his first presidential term, he told me, "Kosovo is a wonderful country with excellent people." Even the last message addressed to the people of Kosovo on February 17 of this year by Trump was very encouraging. Some of the current senior officials in Washington have been involved with the Kosovo issue and the plight of Albanians for a long time. They don't act without someone putting them in motion. In this regard, it would be of interest to see coordination between Prishtina and Tirana. Albania is proving more effective.
Today, the world treats Serbia differently than it did during the conflicts of the former Yugoslavia. Washington, Brussels, and other countries do not view Belgrade through the same lens or with the same attitude as Prishtina does, and vice versa. The West today views Serbia in more nuanced terms of opportunity, focus, and economic investment, and has less sympathy for Kosovo's victimised past. Serbia should be in Europe and NATO, but not without recognising Kosovo, as this would mean less influence for Russia and China in the Balkans. We have experienced the ebb and flow of Serbia's behaviour with Albanians as a whole, or even their Croatian, Bosnian, Montenegrin neighbours or even ethnic communities within Serbia.
Russia's absence from the tables of world decision-making centres for about four years was an unexploited opportunity for Kosovo. Unfortunately, the clock is ticking for Kosovo at this point. Previously, in every case where the Kosovar side requested the direct presence of the US at the negotiating table in Brussels, Serbia persistently sought the presence of Russia as a counterbalance. This was unacceptable to us and our partners.
This has been the case since the UN General Assembly in 2011, when the European Union was tasked with the role of facilitator of negotiations (as a product of the 2013-2015 Brussels Agreement, and more recently the Ohrid Declaration or additional agreement).
Meanwhile, the world is more polarised than ever before. Hoping that Trump, with the help of the Europeans, will achieve peace between Russia and Ukraine, the Middle East, and put Iran on track.
Russia has never been encouraging of a final Kosovo-Serbia agreement nor the integration of Serbs into Kosovo institutions. However, fortunately, the integration was successful, as estimated, for a full decade, from 2013 to 2022.
Since February 2022, the US, the European Union, NATO and their allies have not had to contend with Russia. They knew what they thought and how he acted about Kosovo. The West did not allow itself to be led astray by Putin. But the world today is not even remotely united on Kosovo, as it was until a few years ago. This is a bitter truth.
Ukraine and Syria should be urged to recognize Kosovo
It is tragic what continues to happen in Ukraine. The solidarity of Kosovars with the Ukrainian cause is right. But Kosovo is a unique case in world diplomatic, humanitarian, and military history. Kosovo officials should ask Zelensky to recognise Kosovo; I know it's not easy right now. It would be healthy for Ukrainian officials to familiarise themselves with Kosovo’s legal framework. And why not from the new authorities of Syria? Sometime around the summer of 2008, Assad declared that he could not recognise Kosovo because it would anger Russia. Now things have completely changed; we have new authorities in Damascus, Russia has nothing to be upset about, because Assad himself has left Syria, and Iran's influence has been overthrown. The US, the EU, Turkey and Israel would welcome a favourable decision for Kosovo. President Erdogan's facilitation of the meeting in Antalya in April between the presidents of Kosovo and Syria was a very appropriate move.
For an entire decade, recognition by Israel was a taboo topic; in fact, I was even advised by two American administrations, Obama-Biden I and II, not to 'pressure' Tel Aviv officials on the issue of Kosovo’s recognition, with the reasoning that 'they have the burden of Palestine On the other hand, Palestinian authorities repeatedly and aggressively opposed Kosovo’s independence, whether the occasion warranted it or not A paradoxical situation had been created.
Trump was the one who broke this taboo. However, from that moment on, the issue of new recognitions was frozen.
It must be clarified, neither on a factual nor a geostrategic level, that Kosovo is not Ukraine, nor is Serbia treated by the world like Russia. Comparing Kosovo to Ukraine is ridiculous, while Serbia is the country from the region that most supplied Ukraine with combat logistics. For Serbia, this issue was not merely commercial but strategic, carried out with the knowledge and approval of the West; therefore, the tolerance of Serbia’s refusal to impose sanctions against Russia comes as no surprise.
Due to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, Russia was sanctioned by the West.
Due to the impasse in the Brussels dialogue, punitive measures were issued against Kosovo, not Serbia.
In retrospect, in Rambouillet in 1999 and Vienna from 2005 to 2008, the opposite occurred.
Remember also the opinion of the International Court of Justice in July 2010.
Kosovo proved responsible, was on the right side of history, and was appreciated and treated deservedly by the West.
I believe that the gratitude of the people of Kosovo towards the West is deeply rooted and enduring; ingratitude would be the most significant moral flaw, with consequences for the state.
"I wouldn't be surprised... if Brussels elegantly outlined for Serbia the standard or condition for recognising Kosovo as a precondition for membership in the European Union."
The European Union will be open to parties, only with European behaviour and actions, not stingy Balkan ones. This would be the usual way. However, I would not be surprised or shocked by the current trend of developments, where Brussels might elegantly outline for Serbia the standard or condition for recognising Kosovo as a precondition for membership in the European Union. Brussels should find the fastest and most efficient path to the Europeanization of all of Europe.
Ms. Kallas understands these matters very well; it depends on how much support she receives from the EU member states, which determine the direction and pace of the EU’s enlargement policies.
It is pretty apparent that even the presidential changes in the US found Serbia better prepared than Kosovo.
Someone in Prishtina should think rationally and strategically about this.
The imposition of Brussels’ sanctions is unjustifiable and has created an overall negative environment regarding Kosovo.
"It is vital for the state of Kosovo that Serbs return to local institutions, government, parliament, police, justice system, health, education, etc."
It is vital for the state of Kosovo that Serbs return to local institutions, government, parliament, police, justice system, health, education, etc. Only their integration means success for Kosovo; everything else would be an internal failure with consequences for Euro-Atlantic integration.
Replacing integration with any autonomous mechanism will be nothing more or nothing less than a "Republika Srpska". The reintegration of Serbs is also a constitutional, legal and civic obligation. Now that local elections are approaching, I hope that Kosovo institutions will do their best to engage in dialogue with the Serb community, encouraging them to participate in the polls. Their democratically elected people should lead them.
As long as the representatives of the United States, the EU, the United Kingdom, France, Italy, and Germany appear to be acting jointly, progress should be made.
Such a dynamic engagement with international factors is rare for any country or region. It is a unique opportunity, perhaps it could even be shaken in the future.
"Kosovo politics should not be squirmy." Our state must not allow itself to be devalued... "New circumstances cannot be built with old ideas."
Even temporary isolation for a state or society has consequences; it is dangerous.
Kosovo politics should not be squirmy. Our state must not allow itself to be devalued.
We must continue the journey of the last three decades of restoring and re-establishing our identity with Western civilisation. There may still be traces of a stagnant mentality or prejudice toward the West, like a lingering odour, fog, and mould; however, things should clear up more quickly. New circumstances cannot be built with old ideas.
I am fundamentally optimistic about the present and the future. Hope has carried me through all the stages of my life; it has not abandoned me even today, especially for a prisoner; it never fades. The evil endured by the citizens of Kosovo until the end of the last century will remain in historical memory.
I am convinced that good times are ahead for Kosovo.
"We transformed the habit of silence, complaint, despair, lamentation, and significant resignation in the face of adversity into raised voices, optimism, dignity, and action with confidence in victory."
Adriatik Kelmendi: Do you think that the younger generations today fully understand the role you and your fellow fighters played for the country? Or is there an attempt to rewrite the history of Kosovo in your absence?
Hashim Thaçi: As a student, I represented the vision that without FREEDOM we could not build DEMOCRACY. There could be no talk of peace without freedom. Without freedom, nothing was worth anything. Life was losing all meaning. Pretending to behave freely where peace is lacking is a form of self-deception, even devilry.
I was determined for victory and peace, not to accept discrimination in false peace to the detriment of true victory. I have been a nonconformist. People were not afraid, but instead adapted to the status quo of false hope, as if things would sort themselves out. I thought to myself that I knew where I was going and had a purpose. I was shaped by political convictions that transcended the influence of the environment surrounding us. Our resistance shaped the social circle and connected the determining factors to our cause.
I have been looking for ways to change and create new factors and circumstances, more favourable for the country. It was the most dangerous and challenging path a Kosovar could choose. We lacked the means, but we had a good idea, a clear goal, and unwavering determination. The way we implemented our goal proved to be impressive and unifying for the entire nation like never before. Our goal, as it was, was also civil and humane. During the journey, we had plenty of reasons to feel hesitant, wavering, and at certain moments even despairing; it was a path full of thorns and obstacles, both known and unknown. The biggest challenge was breaking the taboo of whether we could achieve complete freedom. The vast majority of people wanted it and worked for it, but they could not convince themselves that we could become independent after almost a century of slavery and violence. The moment we managed to win the battle with ourselves, triumph was inevitable. Thus, the most significant political turning point in our history occurred. The idea of freedom was transformed into a civic mission.
Until the years of active resistance, we as a people possessed a legacy of effort, sacrifice, and victimisation, but not a legacy of a winner; now we had to win. The goal of freedom was great and just. What we imagined, we believed we could achieve. The idea of Kosovo's freedom had transcended the local, geographical, and political mental boundaries of Kosovo. An idea that, for the first time, was heard with sympathy and interest even by internationals. We transformed the habit of silence, complaint, despair, lamentation, and resignation into raised voices, optimism, dignity, and action with confidence in victory.
Kosovo's success is irreversible and unrepeatable.
"Anyone's government mandates should be separated from the history of Kosovo's freedom... "The history of Kosovo's freedom on the internal level has only one owner - it is the people, not the individual as a separate entity."
The stories of Kosovo's history do not need to be glamorised, mythologised, coloured, or even hidden; they possess truth, reality, real memories, and justice. The proud memories of our people cannot be changed, regardless of claims of fading, change, or even curse instigated by anyone, nor by fabrications in courtrooms. Society's knowledge of the reality of the past can be misused with misinformation and misinterpretations, but it cannot be defeated by ignorance, naivety, or any other tendency.
Historical narratives should not be exaggerated or minimised today, as they can become harmful to society tomorrow. This process will be accompanied by a normal historical and civic transformation. Social values, like those of any people, change and evolve during different phases. It is a reality with its complexities around truth and facts, and one must take into account the emotions, suffering, resentments, desires, and satisfaction of people of different generations. We are no exception; these phenomena have also affected nations with a tradition of knowledge and emancipation in cultural, social, or even political terms. But the truth is and remains more powerful than deception.
We are a country and society with one of the most deficient university histories in Europe - only about 55 years, about three decades of freedom, and a 17-year state history. Albanian history has also been transmitted and, to a certain extent, constructed, which is what we need from myths, legends, or folklore. But today, for everything, there are facts, actors, lived realities, and even written realities.
Anyone's government mandates must be separated from the history of Kosovo's freedom. Distinguished people make history; those who harbor doubts try to manage or control it, but these efforts quickly fade away. Time dissolves them. The history of Kosovo's freedom on the domestic level has only one owner - it is the people, not separate individuals.
For myself, I have not only been a dreamer of dreams, but I have also been a person of action towards the realisation of my goals. I am proud of the past, but not nostalgic; I live for the future.
"Caution is necessary; it only takes individuals of one generation to gangrene the state and society, causing decades-long consequences for civil and state recovery." "We must not allow short-term agendas to compromise long-term geopolitical goals."
Even before 1999, the resistance never stopped; however, never in history have we had the opportunity to decide for ourselves. June 1999 marks year zero for Kosovo. The year of freedom, justice and democracy, open to the free world and of unprecedented opportunities in the land of Kosovo. Kosovo was built as a state from the ground up, fortunately with the most advanced Western expertise.
Mobilising the US, NATO, the EU, and other democratic countries in support of the freedom of a people of around 2 million citizens (the majority of whom are of Islamic faith) initially seemed an impossible mission. It was a colossal multidimensional commitment - the miracle happened.
Therefore, caution is necessary; it only takes individuals of one generation to gangrene the state and society, causing decades-long consequences for civil and state recovery. Long-term geopolitical goals should not be compromised for short-term agendas. We must strengthen the state for our rights and good, not out of hatred towards anyone.
The freedom gained and the state built must be treated with utmost seriousness.
Let us recall that the greatest Albanian tragedies occurred during the period of global chaos, marked by the world wars, the Balkan wars, in the first half of the last century, and the second half of the world's division into bipolarity, where, tragically. However, in different countries, the areas where Albanians lived were violently put under the influence of communist evil. Neither global nor regional crises have been and will not be in favour of Albanians.
Kosovo won when the world had reached its most peaceful state in the 20th century.
Will he return to politics? "Public service is my life"
Adriatik Kelmendi: Are you missing what you would like to do today, including active involvement in politics?
Hashim Thaçi: I don't miss political activity, maybe I don't miss politics either. Although politics as a craft is very good. Even though I pay a political price today, I like it and I love it. Politics, in a way, is also a civic obligation, as long as you participate in voting or, even if you choose not to, people in politics are the ones who make decisions for the individual, the collective, and the country. Even if you don't deal with politics, politics affects everyone's life. Young people, and not only they, must be involved, rather than being spectators or commentators on social phenomena. Only through activism can they change and lead the things they want. Based on personal experience, I highly value and appreciate the Kosovar citizen for their ethical codes and political wisdom - they know when to believe and support a political project, but also know when to abstain, or even punish with their vote. No one can deceive the Kosovar citizen; their political sense is highly cultivated. They learned more from hardships than from university amphitheatres.
Personally, through politics and diplomacy, I have done my best for the country. Kosovar politics over the past three decades, from the beginning of the 1990s, has been on the side of goodness, tolerance, dialogue, peace, and development. The historical fact that Freedom and the state of Kosovo are above all political and diplomatic victories is sealed, but this success would never have been achieved without the activation of physical civic strength on the ground. We would be treated by the international community only at the level of international concern for human rights and freedoms. This fact did not bother S. Milosevic at all.
Therefore, resistance was not a feeling of emotional outburst, or some claim to heroic adventure - FREEDOM and INDEPENDENCE were exclusively an existential need and a political goal with clearly shaped democratic standards.
"Duties to the Homeland are not performed until the last breath of life."
Adriatik Kelmendi: When you regain your freedom, besides family reunification, what would you like to do?
Hashim Thaçi: Returning to the family is unchallengeable. As for other things, I will make a commitment that stems from my passion. I will do what my heart desires. Political life is not a preoccupation, and I don't miss it. I am overfulfilled; I have been a student leader, a freedom fighter, an opposition leader for years, and have served several times as prime minister, deputy prime minister, foreign minister, and president. I always bow to the citizens of Kosovo for the trust they have placed in me over the past two decades. I do not represent an opponent or a political risk to anyone. But public service is my life.
Adriatik Kelmendi: How do you see the personal and political perspective after this trial, regardless of the verdict?
Hashim Thaçi: I reiterate that my perspective is wholly connected to my family. As for my relationship with politics, I can say with complete certainty that I will not pretend to return to the paths and roads I have traveled. I have ideas in mind for the future, but none of them are related to politics. I will always support good people and projects. I will not confine myself politically. I always show the utmost respect for my fellow travellers with whom I have faced challenges and achieved successes for which I feel very honoured. I will do things that Kosovo lacks and needs.
"Until recently, we were a rising state and people, respected by everyone. "Today, we must be careful not to confuse matters for ourselves."
Adriatik Kelmendi: What would be your main message to the citizens of Kosovo today?
Hashim Thaçi: A message from the cell. I'm not sure if it will make sense, as I'm unsure how much it will fit, or if anyone will even read or listen to it. But since you asked, I will present it in the form of a reflection.
Even today, I continue to convey my love for my compatriots wherever they may live. Respect for international partners, with whom we jointly ensured a dignified existence, endured and enabled us to achieve the goal of building the state of Kosovo.
Until recently, we were a rising state and people, respected by everyone. Today, we must be careful not to complicate matters for ourselves. In my opinion, this means increasing state-building and civic unity, along with greater confidence in the Euro-Atlantic journey and its values.
In Kosovo, "there should be more love for the state and the people", in Albania ", Edi is making the European history of Albanians"
Adriatik Kelmendi: What message would you send to the current leaders of Kosovo about pushing forward your vision for the state?
Hashim Thaçi: I repeat, I am only expressing my opinion; there should be more love for the state and its people, more dialogue, tolerance, cooperation, and respect for one another. Political differences should be transformed into a motive for better quality work. The state can be built strongly even through disagreements, but these disagreements should be understood and respected as a competition for a better job, not to hinder each other, making Kosovo pay the price. Leaders are temporary. Kosovo is eternal.
Albania! After three decades with its ups and downs, Albania is impressively concluding its democratic transition.
Today, Albania is a country respected and trusted by the international community. It is an honour to see Albania lead Security Council meetings, with an agenda coordinated with the US and other Western powers. Albania exposed Russian aggression in Ukraine to the world.
Albania strongly and dignifiedly supported, defended and affirmed the state of Kosovo.
The state of Kosovo should contribute to the strengthening of Albania, not to its entanglement on the European path. Albania should not be perceived or treated with the mentality of a neighbourhood on the margins of the nation, but within the geopolitical dimension, as it truly is – a respected state and a NATO member.
Today, Albania's a leading regional player in initiatives for peace and development.
Albania, despite all the difficulties, has reenergized the consolidation of democratic institutions and is strengthening reforms in politics, justice, and the economy. With this progress, it is on a safe and fast path to membership in the European Union.
All that remains is European standardisation.
Look at the delays happening to Serbia, Montenegro, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Macedonia... they were all ahead of Albania, but they have changed positions. Albania is convincingly leading the European journey among the countries of the region.
Following Albania's membership in NATO, Prime Minister Rama's commitment to organise the NATO Summit in Tirana in 2027 is impressive and historic, not only for Albania but for the entire Western Balkans.
Albania, just a few years ago, was a country despised and ridiculed by many; today, it has become a good example of building Euro-Atlantic history.
Albania is rapidly becoming attractive. It's fantastic to read articles or watch documentaries in the world's most prestigious media outlets about the impact of historical, cultural, coastal, and mountain tourism, which is rich in beauty and new opportunities.
All of these factors, along with others, have made Albania more accessible, comfortable, and competitive.
Potential delays and the only obstacle to a bright future for Albania and Kosovo can only be the Albanians themselves.
Albania is today on the right track, poised to have a secure Western future.
Edi Rama is demonstrating a healthy and modern vision, full of optimism and confidence.
Edi is transforming and empowering Albania and its people.
Edi is making the European history of Albanians.
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-U4YzCY1cYI
